Citizen’s climate assemblies

A Westminster Forum conference held in January was entitled “Priorities for UK climate policy following COP28”. Topics included financial markets, legal commitments, the Climate & Ecology Bill, a just transition, buildings and energy, and the Global Cooling Pledge. The introductory session addressed broader issues such as public attitudes to greenhouse gas reduction; arguments against climate action; climate and the social contract; and the role of citizens’ climate assemblies.

Following the UK Parliament’s decision in 2019 to set in law a commitment to reach net zero carbon emissions by 2050, a citizens’ assembly on climate change was set up to consider how this target should be reached. The issues which it addressed included how we travel; what we eat and buy; how we heat our homes and generate our electricity; how we use the land; and the trade-offs involved in reaching decisions on these issues. The Climate Assembly UK Report, The path to net zero, is the outcome of this assembly (Climate Assembly, 2020). It claims to show how a sample of people from all walks of life “believe the UK should meet its net zero emissions commitments” in areas like those on the Westminster Forum agenda and makes many policy recommendations. Assembly members identified seven recurrent themes in their discussions, which may indicate persistent views in the UK. The themes are education and information; fairness; freedom and choice; co-benefits; nature; leadership from government; and a joined-up approach across society.

Education and information about climate change and how to tackle it are seen as necessary for individuals, businesses and government to ensure buy-in to the required changes. The solutions to climate change “are neither easy nor free, but they need to be fair”. Fairness must acknowledge differences in work, income, travel preferences, housing arrangements and location within the UK. Freedom and choice should allow  both individuals and local areas to choose the solutions that work best for them provided this does not rule out “taking the steps necessary to ensure a safe and healthy environment for future generations.” The co-benefits from tackling climate change are seen as boosts to local communities, high streets and businesses, the UK economy and innovation, including technology, and improvements to health and reduction of pollution. Nature was seen as in need of protection and restoration, and access to the natural environment was viewed as important, as were “measures that have a positive impact on biodiversity and wildlife”. Leadership from government produced some of the strongest views, with a desire for “a cross-party consensus that allows for certainty, long-term planning and a phased transition.” A joined-up approach across society implies that everyone plays a part, and the recommendations of the report “seek to provide individuals, communities and organisations with the information, incentives and conditions to make change possible.”

The Assembly seemed to regard climate change as a challenging problem, both soluble and very much worth solving, but felt that lack of education and information, together with weak leadership from government were the main obstacles to finding a solution. The following paper focusses on the uses of information and misinformation on climate change and gives a darker view.

Discourses of climate delay is the title of a study of those discourses which “accept the existence of climate change, but justify inaction or inadequate efforts” (Lamb et al., 2020). The authors describe four types of delay discourse: those that redirect responsibility; those that push non-transformative solutions; those that emphasize the downsides of climate policies; and those that surrender to climate change. They are seen as “distinct from climate denialism, climate-impact scepticism and ad hominem attacks”, but can “erode public and political support for climate policies.”

The discourses that redirect responsibility may argue that it is individuals and consumers who should act, rather than organisations or governments; or that our carbon footprint is trivial compared to that of some other group or country which should therefore act first; or that since others have no real intention of reducing their emissions, we would be foolish to act first. Discourses that push non-transformative solutions may focus on developing current and future technologies; or establish a legal framework and declare a climate emergency then do nothing; or view continued fossil fuel use as a bridge to a zero-carbon future; or avoid restrictions on fossil fuel use as they will fail. Discourses that emphasis the downsides may argue that we should only adopt solutions that are perfect for everyone; or that fossil fuels are necessary to allow poor economies to develop; or that climate action will harm the vulnerable. Discourses that advocate surrender may argue that change is impossible in a democratic society; or that it is already too late to prevent climate change.

The authors do not identify the motives behind discourses of delay, but note that the arguments can be compelling, building on “legitimate concerns and fears as societies move closer to addressing climate change”. Their sophistication should not be understated, and “new strategies are developing all the time” but “pre-emptively warning the public about misinformation can help build resistance and ‘inoculate’ against climate denial”. It will also be necessary to strengthen “public deliberation processes that highlight responsibility, identify appropriate solutions, address social justice and ultimately show that it is both possible and desirable to mitigate dangerous climate change.”

Rebecca Willis relates climate change to the social contract, Covid and the work of Climate Assembly UK (Willis, 2020). She describes the social contract as the deal between citizens and the state in which the citizens agree to be ruled in return for protection by their rulers: “surrendering some of our liberty to a ruler benefits each person and society as a whole”.

The Covid pandemic created a situation in which the UK population “agreed to the state reaching far into their lives, dictating when they could leave their home and who they could meet”. This could be seen as a rapid renegotiation of the social contract showing that people are willing to “accept stringent measures, if they see the need for them, and if they are given full information.”

This situation can be compared to the climate change crisis. Willis reports that in the UK “politicians have been reluctant to speak out about climate change, for fear of being branded a ‘freak’ or a ‘zealot’ … There's a cost attached to speaking the truth.” When climate experts are asked about the role of the state in relation to climate change, they “go straight to the policy detail, without standing back to consider the most fundamental point: the state is here to keep us safe.” While climate action requires radical changes, these do not involve such personal hardships as those endured during the pandemic. However, “without the immediacy of the Covid-19 threat, kickstarting the radical climate action that is required is difficult.” Prevarication and delay are easier for politicians than action. A renegotiation of the social contract requires unflinching honesty about climate change and for democracy to be seen as “part of the solution, not an inconvenience to be bypassed.” Politicians hesitate to speak about the need for urgent climate action, feeling a lack of public support, and public support is undermined by lack of political leadership. “Climate politics has become a silent stand-off, with neither citizens nor representatives willing to make the first move.” Willis sees “processes like the Climate Assembly as a way of making our democracy work better, giving politicians and citizens alike the chance to contribute their expertise to a joint endeavour”.

The three papers cited above all had connections with the Westminster Forum conference on UK climate policy. The following publication takes a wider view, reporting on Climate Assemblies across Europe and asking whether they improve policy and lead to wider acceptance amongst the public (Smith, 2023). There have been over a dozen recent European national assemblies, and interest in them “reflects a growing recognition that such transitions need to engage the public directly, both to ensure better policy-making and to improve acceptance of decisions which will have significant effects on people’s day-to-day lives.” While they have provided evidence that citizens can engage with difficult aspects of climate policy, “too many expectations have been put on a novel democratic institution” and Smith asks how climate assemblies can make more robust and sustained impacts on climate governance.

Public participation is understood as “direct engagement of everyday people in political decision making” and its value can lie in bringing new ways of approaching problems and articulating solutions; helping to break political deadlocks; increasing public acceptance of social action on climate; and promoting greater public climate awareness and political confidence. Recruitment methods should ensure that “the assembly is not dominated by powerful and entrenched interests or politicians worried about re-election.”

Smith gives examples of the impacts of specific climate assemblies and describes areas for improvement. These include ensuring that the mandate of the assembly is not too broad but also not excluding “politically salient climate policy challenges”; ensuring transparency about their recruitment, governance, and evidence base; and preparing to follow up the assembly’s recommendations. The scepticism towards climate assemblies of many within the climate community can be a difficulty.

The Knowledge Network On Climate Assemblies which published the report sees the assemblies as “a promising development in climate governance” and aims “to improve the commissioning, design, implementation, follow-up and evaluation of climate assemblies to secure more robust and legitimate climate policy and governance.”

References

Climate Assembly, 2020, The Path to Net Zero, Executive Summary, online, accessed 7 Feb 2024

https://www.climateassembly.uk/report/

Lamb, W.F. et al., 2020, Discourses of climate delay, Global Sustainability, July 2020, online, accessed 7 Feb 2024

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/global-sustainability/article/discourses-of-climate-delay/7B11B722E3E3454BB6212378E32985A7

Smith, G., 2023, Climate assemblies: emerging trends, challenges and opportunities, Knowledge Network on Climate Assemblies, online, accessed 7 Feb 2024

https://knoca.eu/app/uploads/2023/05/KNOCA_2023_Climate-assemblies_emerging-trends-challenges-and-opportunities.pdf

Willis, R., 2020, A social contract for the climate crisis, Progressive Review vol. 27, issue 2, online, accessed 7 Feb 2024

https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/newe.12202

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